Awaiting Voting Results . . . After Campaign Battle, Can Trump Carry On His Populist Revolt?
By DEXTER DUGGAN
PHOENIX — You don’t get much fog here. Because desert weather is far from being like that of Germany, which in part borders the North and Baltic seas, Lufthansa airlines trains pilots over on the western outskirts of Phoenix, in the city of Goodyear, with a lot of guaranteed sunny flying time.
President Trump flew into both Goodyear and Arizona’s Bullhead City, over to the west on the Colorado River border with Nevada, for rallies on October 28, with less than a week to go before the November 3 elections. He mentioned having been in Wisconsin the previous night, about 1,800 miles northeast of here.
With jet travel, Trump covers distances in an hour or two that it would have taken the Revolutionary War’s horseman Paul Revere prohibitively long to warn of an enemy attack. But the president has hit the skies day after day for multiple campaign rallies to warn of the serious dangers to this nation and world posed by his foe, Democrat presidential nominee Joe Biden.
The sickly looking Biden, who turns 78 in November, hardly appears to be much of a foe for the robust Trump, who became 74 in June and bounced right back from the COVID-19 disease at the beginning of October.
However, as in the eighteenth-century Revolutionary War, the full forces of the foe aren’t readily apparent. The English Crown’s troops around Boston were only a fraction of the mighty British Empire that would have made less determined revolutionaries than the Americans quail.
When Biden thumps his chest, he almost seems about to knock himself off his feet, but behind him are the mighty manipulators of politics, media, entertainment, academia, finance, and whoever else tied themselves to the rocket boosters of strong globalism and weak borders, a Godless secularism that may tolerate religion as an oddity as long as it sticks its arms out for handcuffs.
On October 23 Trump campaign spokesman Hogan Gidley said that Wall Street financial contributions were favoring Biden 5-to-1 over Trump.
In addition, of course, were the deep pockets of Democrat-loving Silicon Valley and Hollywood billionaires.
Gidley was speaking with Phoenix-based talk-radio host James T. Harris (KFYI, 550 AM) and described Biden’s fanciful energy plan, which Biden lauded the previous evening at the final presidential debate, this way: “You can’t run a nation on unicorns and gumdrops.” It emphasizes wind and solar power.
Meanwhile, noting the media power massed against Trump, radio’s Rush Limbaugh told his listeners on October 28 that dominant media showed nothing in the day’s news so far about the latest information on Biden’s involvement with wheeler-dealer son Hunter’s enrichment schemes.
Fox News posted on October 28: “Joe Biden and his presidential campaign are staying mum after Hunter Biden’s former business associate went public to say he met twice in the past with the former vice president — despite past statements from Biden on the campaign trail that he had no involvement with or discussions about his family’s overseas business ventures.”
The previous evening, Fox’s Tucker Carlson had interviewed that business partner, Tony Bobulinski, on the latest step in revelations broken by the New York Post earlier in October illuminating Hunter Biden’s foreign business interests that the elder Biden appeared to have a tantalizing interest in.
Rather than issue a full-throated, outraged, and absolute denial of such involvement, the wealthy Dem presidential nominee, who has been a public employee for much of his life, limited his exposure on the campaign trail.
National conservative commentator Quin Hillyer posted at the Washington Examiner on October 23 about the lack of “establishment media” curiosity regarding Barack Obama’s vice president Biden’s “family’s rampant overseas profiteering.”
Among the questions that could be asked, Hillyer said, were: “Why did you take your son Hunter on Air Force Two to China in 2013, just before he inked a deal worth up to $1.5 billion for the business venture he joined?”
Hillyer concluded: “The media willfully ignores the reality that this story isn’t about a wastrel son. It’s about the damage Joe Biden allowed his family to do to the credibility of U.S. foreign policy.”
While the slightest anonymous accusations against Trump would be blasted out over major media for days, this potential Biden scandal was suppressed by supposedly independent, varied media members apparently hoping to run out the campaign clock, much like Biden himself.
Moreover, years of turmoil for new President Trump had ensued from the Russia-hoax Steele Dossier paid for by Hillary Clinton’s Democrats and furthered by U.S. Sen. John McCain.
Even social-media titans like Twitter and Facebook tried to censor dissemination of the news considered damaging to Biden, but other avenues reported intense public interest in the information.
Meanwhile, Biden rallies, to the extent that he had any, were only a pale shadow of Trump’s, and endorsements for Biden by such minimal figures as Arizona’s Cindy McCain and one-term former U.S. Sen. Jeff Flake were easy to dismiss.
When McCain widow Cindy and Flake explained their backing for Biden because of his supposed character and integrity, one could only wonder what they thought of the former vice president sinking into his current quagmire.
This Wanderer article was written overnight on October 28-29, so the nation hadn’t reached Election Day November 3 yet, but tens of millions of early votes reportedly had been cast.
Some pollsters said Trump was ahead nationally, but many did not — as in 2016. And of course the vital Electoral College, where Trump easily triumphed four years ago, decides the victor. As for Trump rallying in a rural location like Arizona’s Bullhead City in late October, that’s consistent with his fondness for small-town appearances that seem to work.
On October 28 radio’s Limbaugh called attention to a report from NBC correspondent Vaughn Hillyard scouting a few western Arizona towns, including Bullhead City and Lake Havasu City. At one early voting location, Hillyard reported that out of 50 voters, only one was for Biden.
True, that’s not a sample in metropolitan Phoenix, much less New York City, but Trump is looking to solidify the outstate vote, as in 2016.
In the October 13, 2016, hard copy issue of The Wanderer, I wrote that on October 3-5, Trump “was skipping through Loveland and Pueblo, Colo., Prescott Valley (Ariz.), and Henderson and Reno, Nev.”
This strategy, I wrote, “sometimes has left observers wondering if he knows enough to win the White House, but the billionaire’s devoting time even to making small-town stops this late in the race seemed to bring notable results.”
At that time Prescott Valley and the nearby town of Prescott each had about 42,000 residents, and 7,500 free tickets for his Tuesday workday afternoon rally all had been snatched up by the previous day. Trump told his audience that thousands more were watching on a big screen outside the full-up Prescott Valley Event Center, a crowd turnout that police confirmed.
Among his topics, Trump vowed that if elected, he would appoint Supreme Court justices to uphold the Constitution.
Drawing to his conclusion, I wrote in 2016, Trump said, “You’re going to look back at this rally for the rest of your life. . . . This is a movement like nobody has ever seen before. . . . And a vote for me is really and truly a vote for you.”
A Phoenix television report on October 4, 2016, said, “Polls show Trump slipping after his debate performance last week with Hillary Clinton, whom many believe won the first face-to-face competition,” while The New York Times published an adverse story on Trump’s financial condition
Also, this television report said, “Many in line…said they didn’t trust the media or the recent polling that shows Clinton widening her lead nationally and in several key battleground states,” with one woman saying Trump supporters fear receiving backlash if they go public.
Sound familiar?
Four years later, in 2020, Trump held frequent outdoor rallies because of coronavirus concerns, and people turned out in the thousands.
Bullhead City, Ariz., is just east across the Colorado River from the Nevada gambling town of Laughlin, and about 90 miles south of Las Vegas. Wikipedia says that total population in this area as of a few years ago, where the Arizona, Nevada, and California borders come together, was about 100,000 people.
Just before noon on October 28, a reporter from Las Vegas’ KTNV television, ABC Channel 13, tweeted, “Massive crowd in attendance, with people still trying to file in.”
More than two hours later, another large crowd had turned out for Trump at the airport in Goodyear, on the west side of the Phoenix metropolitan area. In addition to Arizona politicians, Trump was joined by figures including U.S. Senators Mike Lee (R., Utah), Martha McSally (R., Ariz.) and Rand Paul (R., Ky.), as well as Euro-skeptic British politician and commentator Nigel Farage.
Farage saluted Trump as “the single most resilient and bravest person I have ever met in my life” because he survived such assaults as the Russia hoax and impeachment.
According to a transcript, Trump told the Goodyear crowd that every day there’s some story about ballot fraud, and, “The biggest problem we have is if they cheat with the ballots. That’s my biggest problem.”
Listing various reasons to vote against Biden, Trump said: “He will attack Catholic organizations. By the way, Hispanics, generally speaking, don’t like that too much. And ban charter schools’ fund, extreme late-term abortion, and surrender your country to the violent socialist mob. And you see that happening. How about Portland, right?”
But, Trump said, local authorities have to ask for help: “You know how quick we can fix that? Mike Lee, we can fix that in about, what, 30 minutes, right? The governor has to call up. . . . That’s why we’re going to win a record share of the Hispanic vote this Election Day.”
One reason that just about the entire establishment wants to be rid of Trump, besides his not being one of them, is his power to damage and expose them — a web of corrupt cooperation so extensive that Trump said even he previously hadn’t realized its breadth.
The Washington Examiner posted on October 28 that Fox News host Carlson said an overnight shipment of confidential documents about the Biden family simply disappeared after Carlson’s team in New York sent it to him in Los Angeles.
The envelope was discovered to be opened and empty while in transit, Carlson said, with a well-known shipping company he did not identify.
Carlson “said his team believed the documents were ‘authentic’ and ‘damning’,” the Examiner reported.
It’s troubling enough to see frequent stories about the Postal Service mishandling mail-in ballots, whose envelopes identify them as such. To think that some meddler would be able to target and steal damaging information about the Bidens in an overnight company’s perhaps ordinary-looking mailer makes one wonder how deep the deep state goes.
Red-Blue Verbiage
Meanwhile, bad Catholic and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D., Calif.) hoped that the stock market plunge of more than 1,800 points in the Dow Jones Industrial Average from October 26-28 would make the White House more likely to see things her way on approving massive stimulus relief loaded with her sweet treats for Democrats and their allies.
The plunge partly was attributed to Congress’ failure to agree on stimulus funding.
With her feral cunning, Pelosi kept rejecting generous proposals from the White House until she could get all the payoffs she wanted to distribute, or, in the alternative, that the market would dive against Trump as Election Day approached. Talk about deep-state manipulations.
Yahoo Finance reported on October 28, “Trump increased his offer in the talks to $1.9 trillion from $1 trillion over the course of October, closer to Pelosi’s demand of $2.4 trillion” — but she still stomped her foot for more.
Incredibly, some Biden campaign literature blamed Trump instead of left-wing activists for this year’s unrest and violence in cities — even though the rioters came from over on the far side of Biden’s political persuasion, not Trump’s, and would likely have been more amenable to suasion from the Democrat presidential candidate.
Having thus accused Trump of being a divider, Biden, at the final presidential debate, on October 22, tried to play the role of bipartisan healer. “I don’t see red states and blue states. What I see is American, United States,” Biden said.
This sounded remarkably like a note from Obama’s 2004 keynote speech to the Democratic National Convention that fooled some people into thinking the Alinskyite manipulator from Hawaii and Chicago was an admirable nonpartisan, too.
Plagiarist Biden’s red-blue verbiage certainly wasn’t the first time he appropriated someone else’s words. Whether he can pocket the presidential election, too, may be known before long.
